The Syntax of Wh-Structures in Jazani Arabic: Optional Movement, Intervention Effects, Resumption, and Island Constraints

Abullrahman Doshi

Advisor: Sylvia L.R. Woodrose Schwartz, PhD, Department of English

Committee Members: Doug Wulf, Jim Blevins

Online Location, https://gmu.zoom.us/j/97723297752?pwd=H1OVaqlj98L3qaKGECJfPUO3i8Igvk.1
May 26, 2026, 01:00 PM to 03:00 PM

Abstract:

This dissertation investigates the syntax of wh- constructions in Jazani Arabic within the framework of the Minimalist Program. A central problem in generative syntax concerns whether the apparent optionality of wh-movement reflects a single underlying mechanism or distinct derivational processes. This study addresses this issue by examining the distribution of wh-phrases, the mechanisms underlying interrogative interpretation, and the constraints governing wh-dependencies. It also examines variation in basic word order in JA. The analysis is based on data collected from 65 native speakers of JA through acceptability judgment tasks and 32 follow-up interviews. The findings show that JA exhibits variation in word order. This variation is analyzed in terms of the VP-internal subject hypothesis, according to which subjects are base-generated within the vP and may raise to satisfy structural requirements such as EPP. SVO results from subject movement to Spec-TP, while VSO reflects a structure in which the subject remains in a lower position and the verb raises to T.

Adopting the MP framework and Split-CP hypothesis, the dissertation proposes that interrogative interpretation in JA is established within the CP domain independently of overt movement. Wh-phrases could remain in situ and receive interrogative interpretation through the covert movement of Op to the left periphery. They may also remain interpretable in situ even in the presence of quantifiers and negators, indicating the absence of intervention effects. In contrast, wh-fronting in JA is structurally motivated rather than optional. Fronted wh-phrases occupy distinct positions in the left periphery. An important generalization in JA is that illi/illa is restricted to argument wh-phrases and is incompatible with adjunct wh-phrases.

Finally, the study investigates resumptive pronouns and island constraints. The findings show that resumptive pronouns in JA do not function as a repair strategy. JA is consistently sensitive to island constraints and does not permit extraction, regardless of whether the dependency is established through a gap or a resumptive pronoun.